A note on methods used in this section
- Women were considered part of the labour force if they were working full-time, part-time, or casual; or were working without pay; or were unemployed. Women engaged in home duties, study, or unpaid voluntary work, or who were unable to work or were retired were considered not to be in the labour force.
- Women were considered to be in paid work if working full-time, part-time or casual. They were deemed not to be in paid work if doing work without pay.
- For those in paid work, 1-34 hours was considered 'part-time' and 35 hours or more was full-time work.
- Transition in hours worked was determined by looking at hours of paid work at M1 and M4.
- In analysing transition associations between employment and health, mean Mental Health (MH) and Physical Functioning (PF) scores were determined for the participants who had always been in work, never been in work, moved out of work and moved into work.
- Summary mental health (MCS) and physical health (PCS) scores were used as indicators in analysing associations between hours of paid work and health for women who had completed all four mid-age surveys.
Patterns of paid work
Many women now in mid-age did not expect to return to 'work' after they had children. Most did, but the following comment from one ALSWH participant who never returned to paid work illuminates the ambiguities around the concepts of work' and 'retirement' for this generation of Australian women.
I gave up paid work at age 25 when I had my first child. Retired seems to mean old people. I gave up work to become a mother, I did not 'retire'.
(M4 respondent, 2004)
However, ALSWH data indicate that in their late forties and fifties many women have increased their attachment to the labour market. Almost 30% of participants in the mid-age cohort increased their hours of work over the eight years between Survey 1 in 1996 and Survey 4 in 2004, and more women moved into paid work than moved out of paid work during that period (Fig 2).
Figure 2: Stability and change in hours worked by mid-age women between M1 (aged 45-50) and M4 (aged 53-58), by area of residence (N=9669)
Mid-age women may be finding a newfound freedom to pursue a career after their children are grown. ALSWH qualitative data suggest that some women are resentful at the thought of retiring now that they are 'just getting going', but also fearful at the thought of retirement, particularly with financial insecurity.
The comment from this ALSWH participant illustrates the appeal that paid work now has for some women in this generation.
I have just realised how much my answers have changed, or how I feel about my answers, since the last survey. I started working for a Chocolate Co. about 3 months ago, 5 days a week 6 hrs a day. I haven't had this much money to myself since I had my first child. I feel so independent and confident in myself. It has done wonders for my wellbeing and my spirit. I have just come back from a holiday on the Sunshine Coast, that is why this will be a bit later than usual.
As Figure 2 shows, although some women in the mid-age cohort are working fewer hours, some are increasing their hours of paid work. One of the ALSWH respondents to the M4 pilot survey, a nurse working long hours, identified both negative and positive aspects of her work. While work was stressful, she valued her relationships with colleagues, and also cared passionately about her vocation.
You ask about stress factors but don't ask if they're in relation to work or home. I am a midwife and work in a public hospital. Work is my only stress factor. We are continually understaffed and very much undervalued. I don't want to cope any more with this and have thoughts of leaving the system, the only thing that keeps me going is my friends at work, most of them feel the same as me. We all feel that we can't deliver quality of care -and after all this is why we became nurses. The system at ground level stinks!!!
Employment and women's health
ALSWH data show that there is a clear association between employment and women's health. In Figure 3, below, women who were always in paid work between M1 and M4 had both higher mental (MCS) and physical health (PCS) scores than women who were not employed, or whose labour market participation was intermittent, including those who moved out of work, or 'retired', during that period.
Figure 3: Physical and mental health scores associated with patterns of paid work between M1 and M4
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Hours of paid work
Figures 4 and 5 show changing patterns of associations between hours of paid work and women's physical and mental health over the period 1998-2004. While physical health inevitably declines with age and mental health appears to improve over time, this does not explain the change in the patterns of women's health during the period.
Figure 4 shows associations between mental health and hours of work between 1998 and 2004 for the women who completed all four ALSWH surveys. A lack of participation in paid work is persistently associated with poorer mental health. Part-time employment of around 16 to 24 hours per week appears to remain associated with optimum mental health for mid-age women across the six years of these surveys, although it is particularly marked in the earlier periods.
It would be expected that this pattern of part-time employment allowed women to juggle their paid work with their unpaid work and family responsibilities (Bryson and Warner-Smith, 1998). At Survey 4, in 2004, when the same women were 53-58, this pattern had changed and those who were working full-time or even 41-48 hours per week had mental health scores closer to those who were working 16-24 hours per week. A contributory factor might have been children leaving home during this period. As the domestic burden on employed women lessens, and there is an easing of work-family tensions, they may be better able to cope mentally with longer hours of paid work.
It is of note that working longer part-time hours (25-34) is less beneficial than either working shorter hours or full-time. These hours often translate into virtual full-time work, and it may be that women with this pattern of paid work are also struggling to cope with caring responsibilities, particularly in the earlier survey periods.
Figure 4: Mental health score at M2, M3 and M4 according to hours of paid work -higher scores indicate better health (N=9861)
Working very long hours (more than 49 hours per week) remains associated with poorer mental health. The toll on women's emotional wellbeing when they are working long hours was expressed in this comment by a participant in the M4 pilot survey.
All my friends (and myself) are employed in professional positions. We are all working longer hours and with more demands than previously - this is particularly so in the last 1-3 years. Several friends who hold senior positions have needed to take extended stress leave or leave for depression. Fortunately this has not occurred to me as I am confident enough to say NO when I think that demands are unrealistic. However I believe that this situation will have a detrimental effect on many women in the future.
(M4 pilot respondent, 2003)
As might be expected, Figure 5 shows the general decline in physical health as women age. Women who are not in paid work have poorer physical health than employed women, as well as poorer mental health, and this is irrespective of how many hours the employed women are working.
In regard to associations between paid work and physical health as women age, the long part-time optimum that was seen at M2 was replaced by longer hours at M4. This contrasts with the findings for mental health seen above. It is important to remember that the data reported here do not explain the direction of the association, ie. whether good physical health makes it possible to work long hours, or whether working long hours contributes to good physical health.
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Figure 5: Physical health score at M2 and M3 according to hours of paid work - higher scores indicate better health (N=9861)
Preferences for hours of paid work
An important factor in associations between employment and women's health is the extent to which hours of paid work fit with women's preferences. ALSWH data show that better health is associated with working the number of hours that one prefers (Figure 6). It seems to be immaterial just how many hours this is. This applies generally to physical health but is more marked for mental health (Warner-Smith and Mishra, 2002).
Figure 6: Mental health score (MCS) by satisfaction with hours of paid work at M2 - higher scores indicate better health
While employment and better health seem to go together, it has not always been easy for older women (and men) to return once they leave the workforce (Encel, 2003).
Since becoming full time carer 4 yrs ago I'm so scared to have to return to the work force. I have lost all my self esteem & confidence and at 53, uneducated, I fear how I will support myself when my caring days will end. All my super was lost as my last employer went into liquidation.
(M4 respondent, 2004)
As this comment implies, there are also significant associations between women's health and their unpaid work, particularly their caring responsibilities.
Caregiving and women's health
Data from M4 provide evidence of 'the sandwich generation'. In 2004, approximately one quarter of all women in the cohort were providing care or assistance to someone because of their long-term illness, disability or frailty. The qualitative data powerfully illuminate the 'sandwiching' of this age cohort.
At the moment I feel particularly stressed. My daughter had her third baby in 3 years, and he has been diagnosed as severely (handicapped)... His oldest brother (3 yrs) is also severely (handicapped). So I try to help out by going with my daughter to doctor appointments, video conference, hospital etc. The 2 older boys often stay with me. Usually I drive a total of 4 hrs return trip twice weekly. Also my mother has been separated from my abusive and sometimes violent father for the last 11 months, and she has been living with us. She still maintains contact with him, and as she does not drive, I have to take her to visit him.
(M4 pilot respondent, 2003)
I think the issue of dealing with a parent whose health is deteriorating is draining and difficult. To try to keep a positive approach to such a difficult issue as the role reversal (where the parent becomes more child like in their needs). And one inevitably sees oneself struggling on this unattractive pathway in the future. Quite depressing & little support for it. Then the grand kids on the other side!! That is looking at our own old age when we look at our mother. The sandwich generation is indeed a good term because I find myself subjugated quite a bit.
(M4 respondent, 2004)
About 45% of women were providing care for grandchildren or other people's children, at least occasionally, and qualitative data from the open-ended comments illustrate the phenomenon of grandparents as full-time carers for grandchildren.
As a grandmother raising my 6 year old grandson (my husband and I have custody) I feel I do not fit the general stereotype. My days are filled with school, canteen duty, after school sport and the day to day work of raising a child. Add this to helping out with my 87 year old mother and 74 year old mother-in-law, my and my husbands days are very full.
(M4 pilot respondent, 2003)
I'm a full time carer and receive $87 per fortnight for looking after dad. This is not looked on as a job nor does the government recognise how much we save them by caring for our aged loved ones.
(M4 respondent, 2004)
My husband has become very unwell in the last three years. My mother now lives with us & has declining health. I am carer for both. I have very little time for me. Money is very tight so am unable to get out on my own to do any thing just for me. My stress levels are high. I do what I can when I can for me. I hope things improve in the future.
(M4 respondent, 2004)
Over 60% of ALSWH mid-age participants said that needing to provide care for someone would be very important in deciding whether to retire (see Figure 20 below). Other ALSWH data show that women carers in both the mid-age and older age cohorts are likely to have poorer health than those who don't have caregiving responsibilities (Lee and Gramotnev, 2006) and that women who are providing care for someone who is ill, frail or disabled, are less likely to be consistently in the workforce (Ford et al, 2004).