Summary:
- Domestic violence is the leading contributor to death, disability and illness in Victorian women under the age of 45 years.
- In 2002-03, domestic violence was estimated to cost the Australian economy $8 billion each year.
- At least 1 in 17 women is a victim of violence each year.
- Fewer women reported being assaulted than 10 years ago.
- Women are mostly assaulted at home, often repeatedly, by a man they know.
- Women often talk to family or friends about the violence they are experiencing rather than go to the police or a support agency.
- Women tend not to report assault because victims trivialise the incident or fear retaliation from the offender.
- However, more women are reporting violence to police than 10 years ago.
- Many people still believe that men are biologically driven to rape and female victims 'ask for it'.
- An increasing number of people believe that men and women equally commit domestic violence.
- The number of female prisoners is increasing at a faster rate than male prisoners and for the more serious violent crimes.
In this part:
Violence against women
How many women experience violence?
It is difficult to estimate the true prevalence rate of violence against women as definitions and methods of data collection vary between jurisdictions, agencies, and surveys.
The Australian Bureau of Statistics' national Crime and Safety Survey,1 which measures the extent of crime in our community, estimated that about 5% of Australian women had experienced assault at least once in the prior year.
The Australian component of the 2004 International Violence Against Women Survey2 showed that 57% of women reported some level of physical and/or sexual harm over their life course (that is, since the age of 16 years). Nine percent of women reported experiencing sexual violence only, 23% reported experiencing physical violence only, and 25% of women experienced both types of violence either in the same incident or on separate occasions. The survey found that one in ten women reported experiencing physical and/or sexual harm during the last twelve months.
The 2005 Australian Bureau of Statistics' Personal Safety Survey, funded by the Australian Government, gathered information about the physical and sexual violence experiences of men and women aged 18 years or more.3 Nearly 3.1 million women (39.9%) reported having experienced physical or sexual violence at least once since the age of 15. A total of 443,800 women (5.8%) had experienced violence in the 12 months prior to the survey. Therefore, at least two in five women have experienced violence at some stage in their lives and at least one in 17 women are victims of violence each year.
Indigenous women report experiencing higher levels of violence than non- Indigenous women. Results from the Australian component of the International Violence Against Women Survey showed that about 7% of non-Indigenous women reported experiencing physical violence in the previous 12 months, compared to 20% of Indigenous women. Indigenous women were three times more likely than non-Indigenous women to be sexually assaulted.
Figure 7.1 shows that in 2005, more women reported experiencing physical violence (4.7%) than sexual violence (1.6%). Younger women were more at risk of violence than older women. This is true for both physical and sexual violence, although the decline with age is greater for sexual violence than for physical violence (see Figure 7.1). Among younger women aged between 18 and 24 years in 2005, just over one in 10 was physically assaulted in the prior year. Women in this age group were four times more likely to be physically assaulted and eight times more likely to be sexually assaulted than their older counterparts (45 years and over).
Figure 7.1: Women's experience of physical and sexual violence during the last 12 months by age, 2005
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005 (Reissue), ABS Cat. No. 4906.0, Table 6.
* As a proportion of all women in each age group.
Violence includes physical and sexual assault and threat.
Has violence against women decreased over time?
The results from the 2005 Personal Safety Survey are comparable to the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics' Women's Safety Survey.4 Figure 7.2 shows that the proportion of women who reported being the victim of violence over a 12-month period dropped. Specifically, there were 46,600 fewer women reporting that they were victims of violence the year prior to 2006 relative to the year prior to 1996. However, the decrease in the reporting of physical violence was larger than the decrease in the reporting of sexual violence.
Figure 7.2: Women's experience of violence during the last 12 months, 1996 and 2005
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005 (Reissue), ABS Cat. No. 4906.0, Table 5.
Violence includes physical and sexual assault and threat.
As shown in Figure 7.3, the decrease in the reporting rate of violence was largely due to a fall in the number of women aged between 18 and 34 years who reported having been the victim of physical violence. These results are encouraging given that these age groups represented the highest risk in 1996. However, there was an increase in the number of women aged 45 years and over who reported experiencing physical or sexual violence.
Figure 7.3: Women's experience of violence during the last 12 months by age, 1996 and 2005
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005 (Reissue), ABS Cat. No. 4906.0, Table 6.
Violence includes physical and sexual assault and threat.
[ top ]
Who assaults women?
Men are the perpetrators in the majority of assault against men and women, and women tend to be physically and sexually assaulted by men they know. Men are most likely to be assaulted by a male stranger.3 Figure 7.4 shows that assault by partners, especially by previous partners, is the most common form of physical violence against Australian women. Findings from the Personal Safety Survey showed that women are over two and a half times more likely to ever be physically assaulted by a male partner than men are to ever be physically assaulted by a female partner. The next most common form of physical violence against women is assault by family members or friends.
Figure 7.4: Male perpetrator of current and lifetime physical and sexual assault against women
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005 (Reissue), ABS Cat. No. 4906.0, Tables 16 & 19.
* Other known person(s) includes acquaintance or neighbour, counsellor or psychologist, psychiatrist, ex-boyfriend, doctor, teacher, minister or priest or clergy, prison officer and other known person.
**May not add up to 100% as a person may have experienced assault by more than one perpetrator type.
Current physical and sexual assault relates to any occurrence in the last 12 months and lifetime physical and sexual assault refers to any incident since the age of 15.
On the other hand, women are least likely to be sexually assaulted by intimate partners. Nonetheless, over the 12 months prior to the Personal Safety Survey, about one in five women reported being sexually assaulted by their previous partner. Women are most at risk of sexual assault from family and friends and other people known to them outside of their family and friendship networks. Women are also at a higher risk of being sexually assaulted than physically assaulted by a stranger.
Characteristics of offences
Location of assault
Most physical assaults against women occur at home. The next most common place for women to be physically assaulted is in the workplace (See Figure 7.5). Women are least likely to be physically assaulted in a private vehicle, using public transport, and at a train station, bus stop or interchange. Men are most likely to be assaulted at an entertainment venue or in an open area.1
Figure 7.5: Location of most recent physical assault by male perpetrator, 2005
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005 (Reissue), ABS Cat. No. 4906.0, Table 15.
Other location includes in a private vehicle, using public transport, in an institution, at a sporting venue and other locations.
* As a proportion of all men and all women who had been physically assaulted by a male perpetrator.
Multiple incidents of assault
The results of the 2005 Crime and Safety Survey showed the majority of women who were victims of assault reported multiple incidents in the prior year. Over this one-year period, 43.4% of women who reported being the victim of assault reported experiencing one incident of assault, 19.2% reported two and 37.4% reported three or more incidents. It has been argued that the strongest predictor of subsequent victimisation is prior victimisation5 and the likelihood of on-going victimisation increases with each subsequent incident.6
The involvement of drugs and alcohol
Figure 7.6 shows that the use of alcohol and/or drugs by either the perpetrator or the victim has a strong involvement with physical and sexual assault against women. Findings from the 2005 Personal Safety Survey showed that alcohol was involved in assaults against women more frequently than drug use, but drugs were involved in physical assault more than sexual assault, whereas the opposite was true for alcohol.
Figure 7.6: The involvement of alcohol and drugs in physical and sexual assault
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005, Data available on request.
The number of assailants
The majority of physical attacks against women involve one perpetrator, although multiple offenders attack a substantial number of women. The 2005 Crime and Safety Survey1 reported that 16% of assaults of women involved two or more offenders and the results of the 2004 International Crime Victimisation Survey7 showed that 15% of women were attacked by two offenders and 14% of incidents of violence against women involved three or more offenders.
[ top ]
The use of weapons
Estimates of the proportion of assaults against women with a weapon range from 11.3%1 to 17%.7 Household objects were most often used as weapons. Smaller numbers of assaults involved the use of knives, guns and syringes/hypodermic needles.
Physical injuries sustained
Estimates of the proportion of female physical assault victims who sustained an injury during the attack also vary across surveys (See Table 7.1). The most common type of injury is bruising. Other injuries include cuts, scratches, and burns, and about one in 10 women sustain broken bones, broken noses, and internal injuries. About one-quarter of injured women require medical attention.2
Table 7.1: Women who experienced physical violence and sustained an injury
| SURVEY |
% |
| Crime and Safety Survey, 2005 |
20.7 |
| Personal Safety Survey, 2005 |
54.7* |
| International Violence Against Women Survey, 2004 |
38.0 |
* During the last 12 months where the perpetrator was male.
The proportion of women who had experienced physical assault since the age of 15 by a male perpetrator and had reported being physically injured was 59.1%.
Perceptions of criminality
Despite the seriousness of these incidents, the majority of women (52.5%) who were physically assaulted by a man in the 12 months prior to the 2005 Personal Safety Survey did not perceive the incident to be a crime. The proportion of women who did not perceive physical assault to be a crime increased to 73.1% when the offender was another woman.
Reporting to police
During 2004–05, 33.3% of all physical violence and 17.8% of all sexual violence perpetrated by men against women were reported to police. Although small, these figures represent an increase over the number of reports in 1996 (Figure 7.7). Women were more likely to tell a friend or a neighbour about the violence than to report it to the authorities.
Figure 7.7: Police reporting rates for physical and sexual violence, 1996 and 2005
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005, data available on request.
Violence includes physical and sexual assault and threat. Totals may not add to 100% as women may have reported assault to police and to a family member, friend, and/or neighbour.
The likelihood of women reporting violence to police depends upon the type of incident and the perpetrator (Figure 7.8). Women were more likely to report physical than sexual violence, with the exception of sexual violence by a boyfriend or date, which was the most frequently reported sexual violence. Reporting rates were highest for physical violence by previous partner, followed by physical violence by other known persons. Conversely, sexual violence perpetrated by these groups of men was less likely to be reported. Across all acts of violence, reporting rates were lowest for physical and sexual violence perpetrated by current partners.
Figure 7.8: Police reporting rates for physical and sexual assault by relationship to perpetrator, 2005
Source: Personal Safety Survey, Australia, 2005, (Reissue) ABS Cat. No. 4906.0, Table 7.
Estimates for sexual violence by a stranger and boyfriend/date have a relative standard error of 25% to 50% and should be used with caution and sexual violence not shown as reporting rates for current partner are nil or rounded to zero.
The main reasons why women did not report assaults to police are shown in Figure 7.9. A high proportion of women felt that the incident was not sufficiently serious to warrant police involvement. Substantial numbers of women reported that they solved the matters themselves. Nearly one in 20 women said that they did not report the assault for fear of retaliation by the offender. The results of the 2004 International Violence Against Women Survey indicated that fear of retaliation by the offender was the strongest deterrent to reporting partner violence. Women who were attacked with a weapon and/or sustained an injury during the assault were also less likely to report the incidents to police for fear of retaliation.
Figure 7.9: Reasons why assaults not reported by women to police, 2005
Source: Crime and Safety Survey, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4509.0, Table 14.
[ top ]
Services accessed
As with the use of the criminal justice system, the use of other services by women who experienced violence was very low. According to the results of the 2004 International Violence Against Women Survey, only 16% of women who were victimised by an intimate partner and 9% of women who experienced non-partner violence contacted a specialised agency. The Personal Safety Survey showed that although victimised women's usage of specialised agencies was low, utilisation rates for crisis services and legal assistance have increased since 1996 (Figure 7.10).
Figure 7.10: Female victims of assault by male perpetrator – services accessed in the last 12 months, 1996 and 2005
Source: Crime and Safety Survey, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4509.0, data available on request.
Instead of contacting specialised agencies, women are more likely to speak to someone close to them about the violence. The majority of female victims of assault surveyed in the Crime and Safety Survey sought support from family members, friends or neighbours, and work colleagues after the incident (Figure 7.11). Results from the International Violence Against Women Survey are consistent with these findings, irrespective of the perpetrator of the violence (Figure 7.12). However, women who experienced intimate partner violence were less likely than other victims to speak to someone else about the incident.
Figure 7.11: Female victims of assault – type of support sought after recent incident
Source: Crime and Safety Survey, Australia, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4509.0, Table 12.
Totals may not add to 100% as more than one type of support may have been sought.
Figure 7.12: Person women spoke to after most recent incident of non-partner and intimate partner violence
Source: Mouzos, J. & Makkai, T. (2005). Women's experiences of male violence: Findings from the Australian component of the International Violence Against Women Survey (IVAWS), Australian Institute of Criminology Research and Public Policy Series, No. 56, Table 18.
Totals may not add to 100% as women may have spoken to more than one person.
The costs of violence
Health costs
The Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health8,9 has provided strong evidence to suggest that the health damaging effects of domestic violence go well beyond any immediate or short-term injury. Women who have ever experienced partner violence rate their health as poorer than others, even after the abuse has ended. Longer-term physical symptoms of domestic violence include pain and fatigue, allergies and respiratory disorders, bowel problems, and eyesight and hearing difficulties. Partner violence has been associated with a larger number of stressful life events and higher stress levels, fear, depression, anxiety, increased use of psychoactive medication, suicidal thoughts, and deliberate self-harm. There are also some behavioural correlates of partner violence, such as cigarette smoking and hazardous alcohol use.
Domestic violence also has serious consequences for reproductive health.10 Partner violence is strongly associated with early sexual intercourse, early, unwanted and unplanned pregnancies, and adverse pregnancy outcomes. For example, abused women are more likely than other women to have miscarriages and/or abortions, pre-term babies or a stillbirth. Compared to women with no history of violence, women who have experienced violence are more likely to contract a sexually transmitted infection, to have gynaecological symptoms and abnormal Pap smears and a higher risk for cervical cancer.
Domestic violence shows a strong relationship to homicide for female victims, but not for male victims. During 2003–04, the majority (52%) of female homicides were intimate partner homicides and other family members killed 23% of female victims.11 During 2003–04, there were 71 intimate partner homicides, representing 25% of all homicides for that year. The majority involved a man killing his female partner. A prior history of domestic violence was recorded in 31 of the 71 intimate partner homicides (44%). However, this figure could actually be higher given the low reporting rates of domestic violence. Thirty–five percent of women killed by intimate partners were beaten to death.
Clearly, the health costs of domestic violence are high. Therefore, it is not surprising that VicHealth found that intimate partner violence is the leading contributor to death, disability and illness in Victorian women under the age of 45 years. This form of violence against women is responsible for more of the disease burden than many other well-known risk factors such as obesity, smoking and high blood pressure.12
[ top ]
Economic costs
In Australia in 2001–02, assault and sexual assault were the two most costly crimes after fraud and homicide.13 Accounting for medical costs, lost output, and the costs of pain, suffering and lost quality of life, the total costs of assault and sexual assault were $1,800 and $2,500 per incident respectively. Costs were substantially higher for injury than non-injury assaults.
A more thorough and detailed study commissioned by the Australian Government estimated that the total cost of domestic violence to the Australian economy in 2002–03 was $8.1 billion. The annual cost per victim who had ever suffered domestic violence was $4,570. Table 7.2 shows the types of costs incurred. At a total cost of $3.5 billion, pain, suffering and premature mortality accounted for nearly half the total cost of domestic violence. The next largest contributor was consumption costs, which includes the costs associated with property replacement, bad debts and lost household economies of scale.
Table 7.2: Annual costs of domestic violence in 2002-03 by cost category
| CATEGORY OF COST |
ANNUAL COST IN 2002–03
($ MILLION) |
| Pain, suffering and premature mortality |
3,521 |
| Health |
388 |
| Production |
484 |
| Consumption |
2,575 |
| Administration and Other |
480 |
| Second generational |
220 |
| Economic cost of transfers |
410 |
| Total |
8,078 |
Source: Access Economics Pty Ltd (2004). The cost of domestic violence to the Australian economy: Part 1, Table 1.
The study also found that women bore the majority of the costs of domestic violence, followed by government (See Table 7.3). The Australian Government carried the largest burden of government costs. However, the share of costs borne by all governments was approximately a third of the costs borne by women.
Table 7.3: Annual costs of domestic violence in 2002–03 by affected group
| AFFECTED GROUP |
ANNUAL COST IN 2002–03 ($M) |
| Victim |
4,048 |
| Perpetrator |
555 |
| Children |
769 |
| Employers |
175 |
| Friends and family |
7 |
| Federal government |
848 |
| State/Territory government |
487 |
| Community |
1,190 |
| Total |
8,078 |
Source: Access Economics Pty Ltd (2004). The cost of domestic violence to the Australian economy: Part 1, Table 2. Totals add to 8,079, but shown as 8,078 in source report
Perceptions of safety
Women's fear of violence is more widespread than recent experiences of harm. A Parliamentary Committee Report in July 200414 showed that the factor most consistently and strongly related to fear of crime and violence was being a woman.
There have been several recent surveys that measured Australians' perceptions of safety, such as the 2005 National Crime and Safety Survey, the 2004 International Crime Victimisation Survey, and the 2005 Personal Safety Survey. The Personal Safety Survey found that 40.3% of women reported feeling unsafe while walking alone or with someone else in their local area at night. Over a quarter (26.3%) of women felt unsafe using public transport after dark. However, women felt safer being alone after dark in 2005 relative to 1996. In 2005, 29.3% of women felt safe walking alone in their local area at night, up from 22.3% in 1996. In 1996, 10.5% of women felt safe using public transport after dark and this increased to 15.1% in 2005.
The International Crime Victims Survey showed that in comparison to men, women are more than twice as likely to report feeling a bit unsafe and four times more likely to report feeling very unsafe walking alone in the local area after dark (Figure 7.13). Women are less likely than men to feel very safe and are nearly four times more likely to report feeling very unsafe when using public transport at night (Figure 7.14). The 2005 National Crime and Safety Survey found that even when at home alone, women reported feeling less safe than men both during the day and after dark (Figures 7.15 and 7.16).
Figure 7.13: Feelings of safety walking alone in the local area after dark by gender, 2004
Source: Johnson, H. (2005). Crime victimisation in Australia: Key results of the 2004 International Crime Victimisation Survey. Australian Institute of Criminology Research and Public Policy Series No. 64, Figure 10.
Figure 7.14: Feelings of safety using public transport after dark by gender, 2004
Source: Johnson, H. (2005). Crime victimisation in Australia: Key results of the 2004 International Crime Victimisation Survey. Australian Institute of Criminology Research and Public Policy Series No. 64, Figure 11.
Figure 7.15: Feelings of safety at home alone after dark by gender, 2005
Source: Crime and Safety Survey, Australia, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4509.0, Table 17.
Figure 7.16: Feelings of safety at home alone during the day by gender, 2005
Source: Crime and Safety Survey, Australia, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4509.0, Table 16.
[ top ]
Attitudes and beliefs about domestic violence
VicHealth recently surveyed Victorians' attitudes and beliefs about domestic violence.15 The results of that survey are comparable to a 1995 community attitudes survey conducted by the Australian Government.16
Recognition of behaviours as violence
Table 7.4 shows that physical forms of abuse were more recognisable as violence than non-physical forms of abuse, such as verbal and emotional abuse and controlling behaviours. However, compared to 1995, in 2006, more people believed those behaviours were domestic violence. There has also been an increase in the number of people who believe that forcing a partner to have sex and throwing or smashing objects are always violent behaviours.
Table 7.4: Recognition of behaviours as violence, 1995 and 2006
| |
1995 (%) |
2006 (%) |
| |
YES |
NO |
UNSURE |
YES |
NO |
UNSURE |
| Are these behaviours domestic violence? |
| Slapping or pushing to cause harm or fear? |
97 |
2 |
1 |
98 |
2 |
<1 |
| Forcing partner to have sex |
94 |
4 |
2 |
98† |
1 |
<1 |
| Throwing or smashing objects near partner to frighten or hurt |
91 |
8 |
1 |
98† |
<1 |
<1 |
| Yelling abuse at partner |
77 |
20 |
3 |
87† |
12 |
<1 |
| Controlling the social life of partner by preventing contact with friends and family |
74 |
23 |
3 |
82† |
17 |
1 |
| Repeatedly criticising to make partner feel bad or useless |
71 |
26 |
3 |
83† |
17 |
<1 |
| Controlling partner by denying them money |
62 |
33 |
5 |
69† |
29 |
2 |
| Threatening to hurt |
88 |
10 |
2 |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
| Threatening to hurt family members |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
99 |
1 |
<1 |
| Are these behaviours violence against women? |
| Stalking |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
93 |
6 |
1 |
| Harassment by phone |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
90 |
9 |
1 |
| Harassment by email and text messaging |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
86 |
12 |
2 |
Source: VicHealth (2006). Two steps forward, one step back. Community attitudes to violence against women. Progress and challenges in creating safe, respectful and healthy environments for Victorian women: A summary of findings of the Violence Against Women Community Attitudes Project, Table 3.
N/A=Question not asked
† = Differences in the proportions responding 'yes' between the 1995 and 2006 samples were statistically significant at p<.01
Respondents were also asked how serious those behaviours were. Most believed that they were either 'quite serious' or 'very serious', but physical violence was perceived as more serious than verbal and emotional abuse and controlling behaviours. Women were more likely than men to believe the behaviours were serious. More people believed that throwing and smashing objects to frighten one's partner and repeatedly criticising one's partner were very serious in 2006 than in 1995. However, they were less likely to identify as very serious slapping or pushing one's partner to cause harm and fear and controlling one's partner by denying them money.
Understanding of violence as a crime
There is widespread agreement that domestic violence and forced sex within an intimate relationship are criminal offences. The proportion of people believing that domestic violence is a crime was greater in 2006 than in 1995. In 2006, one in 20 people still believed that forced sex in an intimate relationship is not criminal rape and 2% were unsure (Table 7.5).
Table 7.5: Beliefs about crime, 1995 and 2006
| |
1995 (%) |
2006 (%) |
| |
AGREE |
DISAGREE |
UNSURE |
AGREE |
DISAGREE |
UNSURE |
| Domestic violence is a criminal offence |
93 |
5 |
2 |
97† |
2 |
1 |
| A woman cannot be raped by someone she is in a sexual relationship with |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
5 |
93 |
2 |
Source: VicHealth (2006). Two steps forward, one step back. Community attitudes to violence against women. Progress and challenges in creating safe, respectful and healthy environments for Victorian women: A summary of findings of the Violence Against Women Community Attitudes Project, Table 4.
N/A = Question not asked
† = Differences in the proportions responding 'yes' between the 1995 and 2006 samples were statistically significant at p<.01
[ top ]
Understanding of who perpetrates violence
The majority of people understood that it is mainly men who commit domestic violence (77%). Slightly more women (81%) than men (73%) believed this. However, despite evidence to the contrary, one in five Victorians believed men and women equally commit domestic violence and men were significantly more likely than women to hold this view. The number of people who believed that domestic violence is perpetrated equally by men and women increased significantly since 1995 (9%).
Justifications and excuses for violence
Almost all Victorians surveyed in 2006 agreed that violence could not be justified in any of the situations described in Table 7.6, but a small minority still believed violence is appropriate under certain circumstances. This was especially true for the scenario in which a current partner admits to having sex with another man, with 4% agreeing that violence is justified in this instance and an additional 3% unsure.
Table 7.6: Level of agreement that violence is justified in certain situations, 2006
| |
AGREE
(%) |
DISAGREE
(%) |
UNSURE
(%) |
| Current wife or partner |
| Argues with or refuses to obey her partner |
1 |
98 |
1 |
| Wastes money |
2 |
97 |
1 |
| Keeps nagging her partner |
2 |
97 |
1 |
| Admits to having sex with another man |
4 |
93 |
3 |
| Doesn't keep up with domestic chores |
1 |
98 |
1 |
| Refuses to have sex with her partner |
1 |
98 |
1 |
| Doesn't keep the children well behaved |
2 |
97 |
1 |
| Socialises too much with her friends |
2 |
97 |
1 |
| Puts her own career ahead of the family |
1 |
97 |
1 |
| Former wife or partner |
| If she refuses to return to the relationship |
1 |
98 |
1 |
| In order to get access to his children |
2 |
97 |
1 |
| If she tries to turn the children against her partner |
1 |
97 |
2 |
| If her partner thinks she is unreasonable about property settlement or financial issues |
1 |
97 |
1 |
| If she commences a new relationship |
1 |
98 |
1 |
Source: VicHealth (2006). Two steps forward, one step back. Community attitudes to violence against women. Progress and challenges in creating safe, respectful and healthy environments for Victorian women: A summary of findings of the Violence Against Women Community Attitudes Project, Table 7. Some rows do not add to 100% in source report.
Many people agreed that violence could be excused (Table 7.7). Almost two in five Victorians believed the claim that women are raped because men cannot control their sexual urges. Despite little evidence to support this claim,17 more men than women held this view. Nearly one in four Victorians also believed that domestic violence is excusable because men have poor anger control and/or when the violent person genuinely regrets afterwards what they have done.
Most Victorians agreed that the effects of alcohol could not excuse domestic violence or sexual assault, although nearly one in 10 people agreed that domestic violence could be excused if either the victim or the offender was affected by alcohol. Furthermore, Victorians believed that violence accompanied with alcohol was more excusable for domestic violence than for sexual assault.
Blaming the victim
In 2006, over one in 20 Victorians (6%) believed that women who are raped often ask for it. This was a smaller proportion than in 1995 (15%). Surprisingly, 15% agreed that women often say no to sex when they mean yes, down from 18% in 1995. A further 8% were unsure about whether they agreed or disagreed with this assertion. Although there was less support in 2006 than in 1995 for the attribution of blame for sexual violence to women, there remains a pocket in the population that believes that women are responsible for the sexual violence that is perpetrated against them.
Table 7.7: Level of agreement that violence can be excused, 2006
| |
MEN
(%) |
WOMEN
(%) |
OVERALL
(%) |
| Domestic violence |
| Domestic violence can be excused if it results from people getting so angry they temporarily lose control |
25 |
20 |
23 |
| Domestic violence can be excused if the victim is heavily affected by alcohol |
8 |
8 |
8 |
| Domestic violence can be excused if the offender is heavily affected by alcohol |
9 |
7 |
8 |
| Domestic violence can be excused if the violent person genuinely regrets afterward what they have done |
29 |
19 |
24 |
| Sexual assault |
| Rape results from men not being able to control their need for sex |
44 |
32 |
38 |
| Sexual assault can be excused if the victim is heavily affected by alcohol |
5 |
3 |
4 |
| Sexual assault can be excused if the offender is heavily affected by alcohol |
4 |
2 |
3 |
Source: VicHealth (2006). Two steps forward, one step back. Community attitudes to violence against women. Progress and challenges in creating safe, respectful and healthy environments for Victorian women: A summary of findings of the Violence Against Women Community Attitudes Project, Table 8.
Perceptions of false allegations
Despite evidence to suggest that the rate of false reporting of rape and domestic violence is low,17 nearly one-quarter of Victorians disagreed with the statement that women rarely make false claims of being raped. Nearly half of respondents (46%) believed that women going through custody battles often make up or exaggerate claims of domestic violence to improve their case. An additional 25% were unsure about this.
[ top ]
Other crimes against women
Other 'offences against the person' include murder, attempted murder, driving causing death, kidnapping/abduction, robbery, and blackmail and extortion. With the exception of kidnapping/abduction, men are more likely than women to be victims of crime (Table 7.8).
After physical and sexual assault, robbery is the most common offence against women. Younger women are more likely than older women to be a victim of crime.
Table 7.8: Number of offences against the person by gender and age, 2005
| |
MURDER |
ATTEMPTED MURDER |
DRIVING CAUSING DEATH |
KIDNAPPING/ ABDUCTION |
ROBBERY |
BLACKMAIL/ EXTORTION |
| AGE (YEARS) |
MEN |
WOMEN |
MEN |
WOMEN |
MEN |
WOMEN |
MEN |
WOMEN |
MEN |
WOMEN |
MEN |
WOMEN |
| 0–9 |
11 |
12 |
6 |
6 |
4 |
- |
57 |
66 |
40 |
7 |
- |
- |
| 10–14 |
3 |
- |
3 |
3 |
3 |
- |
54 |
84 |
483 |
99 |
4 |
3 |
| 15–19 |
8 |
3 |
13 |
5 |
21 |
8 |
32 |
103 |
2,405 |
613 |
21 |
15 |
| 20–24 |
13 |
7 |
27 |
7 |
15 |
10 |
24 |
66 |
2,158 |
708 |
25 |
19 |
| 25–34 |
37 |
20 |
58 |
19 |
18 |
11 |
29 |
59 |
2,216 |
859 |
41 |
17 |
| 35–44 |
36 |
24 |
38 |
18 |
14 |
7 |
19 |
29 |
1,049 |
555 |
44 |
25 |
| 45–54 |
20 |
8 |
22 |
14 |
6 |
6 |
11 |
6 |
722 |
452 |
44 |
18 |
| 55–64 |
15 |
9 |
6 |
5 |
8 |
6 |
5 |
3 |
393 |
228 |
24 |
11 |
| 65+ |
13 |
5 |
4 |
- |
4 |
7 |
3 |
7 |
220 |
249 |
8 |
4 |
| Total 2005 |
168 |
101 |
188 |
80 |
93 |
58 |
253 |
471 |
10,025 |
3,903 |
221 |
118 |
| Total 1996 |
209 |
97 |
225 |
103 |
83 |
46 |
139 |
334 |
7,939 |
4,568 |
151 |
58 |
Source: Recorded Crime, Victims, 2005 & 1996, ABS Cat. No. 4510.0, Table 2.
Female prisoners
In Australia, the prison population is made up predominantly of men. As at 30 June 2005 there were 1,734 women incarcerated, in comparison to 23,619 men. Over one quarter (28%) of female prisoners were Indigenous women. Between 1995 and 2005, the imprisonment rate has increased at a faster rate for women (82.5%) than for men (25%) (See Table 7.9).
As well as increasing in number, the composition of women in prison since 1996 has changed (Figure 7.17).
Table 7.9: Prisoners in Australia at 30 June
| |
NUMBER |
% |
IMPRISONMENT RATE
(PER 100,000 POPULATION) |
| Men |
|
|
|
| – 1995 |
16,593 |
95.2 |
245.9 |
| – 2005 |
23,619 |
93.2 |
307.3 |
| Women |
|
|
|
| – 1995 |
835 |
4.8 |
12.0 |
| – 2005 |
1,734 |
6.8 |
21.9 |
Source: Australian Social Trends, 2004, ABS Cat. No. 4102.0 and Prisoners in Australia, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4517.0, Tables 1 & 4.
Figure 7.17: Female prisoners by most serious offence, 1996 and 2005
Source: Prisoners in Australia, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4517.0, Table 13.
Data for all offences for 1995 not available, thus figures for 1996 presented.
Women imprisoned for the more serious violent offences, such as homicide, acts intended to cause injury and sexual assault, as well as theft, made up a larger proportion of female prisoners in 2005 than in 1996.
The female prisoner population tends to be relatively young. In 2005, 57.6% of women in prison were aged 34 years or younger and 85% were aged between 18 and 44 years (See Figure 7.18). Indigenous female prisoners were much younger than non-Indigenous female prisoners.
Figure 7.18: Female prisoners by age and Indigenous status, 2005
Source: Prisoners in Australia, 2005, ABS Cat. No. 4517.0, Table 5.
[ top ]
References