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This report was published by the former Department of Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (FaCSIA).
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3. Focusing on the children


Overview

In the previous section, the focus was on the care giving environment of Indigenous children and its potential effects on children of all ages. In this part the focus is more specifically on the children at different stages of growing up: from neonates through early childhood, to going to school and then leaving it.

In the literature reviewed here, there are still too many unacceptable, poor outcomes. Indigenous babies have higher mortality rates and lower birth weights, children have more health and nutrition problems, schoolchildren have poor attendance rates, lower literacy and numeracy levels and leave school earlier, and juveniles have lower employment rates and are overrepresented in the criminal justice system, when compared with non-Indigenous children and youth.

In discussing the poor school outcomes, Herbert et al. (1999) made a critical point: 'such statistics should be read in the context of the ongoing struggle by Indigenous peoples not only to gain improved access to schools but also to participate in schooling "which is culturally sensitive and offers equitable and appropriate outcomes" (DEET 1995)' (Herbert et al. 1999, p. 2). This same point applies to all the poor outcomes summarised above. Better outcomes are possible with the provision of appropriate, quality services.

Maternal and child health programs can result in significant health gains for babies and children. School readiness and early school outcomes can be enhanced by the provision of preschool services. School attendance and performance can also be enhanced by the provision of certain educational services and programs. But, in all instances, these services must be readily accessible to the community (both physically and economically) and must be culturally appropriate.

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Early childhood (0 to 5 years)

Starting life

Neonatal health: a statistical picture

Aboriginal people suffer the poorest health of any population in Australia, and mothers and their young children comprise a particularly vulnerable section of the Aboriginal community (Balmer & Foster 1997, p. 26).

ABS data, from 1998–2000, show the national perinatal mortality rate for babies of Indigenous mothers remains at just over twice the rate for babies of non-Indigenous mothers (ABS 2003). But it should be borne in mind that this is likely to be a conservative rate as there is an underidentification of Indigenous deaths in all states and territories (SCRGSP 2003). It should also be borne in mind that the mortality rates for babies of Indigenous mothers in Australia are higher than for Indigenous mothers in New Zealand and the US (Ring & Brown 2002; SCRGSP 2003).

Indigenous mothers are also more likely to have a low birth weight baby than non-Indigenous mothers. Since 1991, there appears to have been little change in both the proportion of low birth weight Indigenous babies and their mean birth weight (ABS 2003).

Birth weight is important—in a sense, it is the first outcome. It reflects the influence of a number of parental factors, is directly linked with foetal death and is the earliest indicator of proneness to ill health during childhood and to later adult diseases, such as high blood pressure (Singh & Hoy 2003).

Poor starts

Mackerras (1998) has argued that the prevalence of low birth weights in Indigenous communities is likely to be due to the influence of a range of foetal growth retardation factors. Putting aside the factors that cannot be changed (such as infant sex or race), the following factors are important:

Brady (1991) also points out that another crucial variable affecting at-risk births is the level of antenatal care.

Drawing, once again, on the ABS (2003) data, certain aspects of Indigenous health care provision suggest that this antenatal care can be lacking in many cases:

Better starts

Traditional

The Warrki Jarrinjaku ACRS project team (2002), in their review of child rearing practices in the central desert region, note that many elders blame poor infant health on the failure of young women to follow traditional women's law. In traditional birth practices for that region:

Mention is also made of the use of other traditional medicines in the birthing ceremony that helped make the babies strong:

When we washed our babies we would mix jungarrayi-jungarrayi (a plant with medicinal properties) with water to keep them strong. Before white man's medicines our babies grew up strong, with no sickness. (Told by Molly Nungarrayi, cited in Warrki Jarrinjaku 2002, p. 99.)

Although there can be no empirical data to support the beliefs given above, there is certainly damning evidence that the health and wellbeing of Indigenous families has declined significantly since colonisation (Warrki Jarrinjaku 2002).

It should also be noted that in traditional childbirth and rearing practices of central Australia, it was normal to breastfeed children for several years. This not only provided nutrition and nurture but it also had a contraceptive effect such that births were well spaced (Warrki Jarrinjaku 2002). However, there is a contradiction in contemporary data. Some show that Indigenous mothers now have a lower breastfeeding rate than non-Indigenous ones, except where a traditional lifestyle has been maintained (Engeler et al. 1998). On the other hand, the Western Australian Aboriginal child health survey (Zubrick et al. 2004) found a slightly higher breastfeeding rate for Indigenous children (88 per cent) than non-Indigenous (84 per cent).

Western

There is also evidence that the provision of appropriate care based on Western medicine can improve the health outcomes for Indigenous babies. This is illustrated in the Nganampa Health Council antenatal care program study (ABS 2003). When the health council was set up in 1985, poor antenatal care was a major health problem in the region, with less than one-third of all women receiving any reasonable care. Following the implementation of an antenatal care program, it was found that perinatal mortality rates and low birth weights decreased significantly, although still not to the levels of non-Indigenous babies.

Mackerras' (1998) study of the Strong Women, Strong Babies, Strong Culture program showed similar results. This program was designed to support pregnant women in the community, including helping them to visit clinics early in the pregnancy and to eat properly. After the program had been implemented, Mackerras (1998) showed a statistically significant decline in the prevalence of low birth weight in the trial Top End communities.

Herceg (2004) reviewed seven other antenatal and mother/infant programs. From the evaluation evidence she concluded that there is a reasonable indication that these programs are effective in improving access to, and use of, maternal and child health services and in improving health outcomes.

In general, the Office of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health report on Better Health Care (OATSIH 2001) shows that where maternal and child health programs are delivered in a way that is accessible (both culturally and physically) to Indigenous women, they are used and result in significant health gains.

Health in early childhood

The statistical picture

The latest national data on early Indigenous childhood health, collected in 2001–02 (SCRGSP 2003) show that:

Data from the National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation (NACCHO 2003a) also show that:

A more recent study of immunisation (Hull et al. 2004) has shown that full immunisation is around 17 per cent less for Indigenous children at 12 and 24 months than for non-Indigenous children and that there are bigger immunisation gaps in urban areas.

Further data from the Western Australian Aboriginal child health survey (Zubrick et al. 2004) show that, in terms of use of health services:

Nutrition, health and growth

The tangled web of health, food choice and availability

While many of the poor health outcomes can be directly attributable to the poor starts experienced by many Indigenous children and the impoverished nature of their circumstances, there is more to the story than that.

It would seem that Indigenous understandings of physical health and illness differ somewhat from a Western understanding and so do their attribution of cause and effect. For example, central Australian Aboriginal people see spiritual health as closely linked to physical health so that a sick or weak child could have a weakened spirit rather than a weakened body. Or, as with the Yolngu people in north-east Arnhem Land, illness can be seen as indicative of something positive rather than negative. For them, episodes of diarrhoea serve as indicators or triggers for the child to move to the next stage of development (Warrki Jarrinjaku 2002; Smith et al. 2003), rather than as signs of ill health.

Nevertheless, Indigenous communities do recognise the relationship between eating good food and good growth. In the Yolngu study (Smith et al. 2003), eating bush food was seen as the main reason for children growing well. For women from the Walpiri language groups north west of Alice Springs there is a spiritual benefit as well as a nutritional one from eating bush food (Warrki Jarrinjaku 2002). The problem, though, is the availability of bush food has been dramatically reduced since European settlement. And, as both the Yolngu study (Smith et al. 2003) and the Warrki Jarrinjaku project (2002) point out, the decrease in availability of bush food is compounded by high food prices, poor quality food and the 'junk food' options available in the community store.

It is also important to note that the view that children are able to determine and express their needs means that they are expected to take food as and when they want it. No-one feeds a child; the food is made available and children eat or not as they choose (Warrki Jarrinjaku 2002). So, when there is little bush food, or other good food, and mainly poor or 'junk' food that is available, that is what the child takes.

While the issue of the availability and affordability of good food is clearly one of great importance to remote communities, the general practice of allowing the children to determine their food, and the 'junk food' choices consequently made, is of relevance across all communities. Moreover, it should be noted that in the Western Australian Aboriginal child health survey it was found that there was an inadequate consumption of fresh vegetables, regardless of remoteness (Zubrick et al. 2004).

What helps?

The Warrki Jarrinjaku (2002) report documents a number of innovative programs aimed at addressing health issues in children, as does the Western Australian Aboriginal child health study (Zubrick et al. 2004). Of note is the development of Indigenous multipurpose early childhood nurturing centres that incorporate infant health care and early childhood services in one and where the semitraditional lifestyles and beliefs of the families are recognised and respected.

The National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation (2003a) argues strongly that a nutritional supplement program is urgently needed, especially in remote areas. They cite overseas data to show that such programs can directly contribute to improved growth and health in early childhood.

Early learning

Language, literacy and learning

Language acquisition

In the review of child rearing practices in central and western desert regions (Warrki Jarrinjaku, 2002) it is noted that young Aboriginal children are surrounded by a rich and linguistically complex environment, often consisting of at least two languages and several dialects. English is used infrequently in the home context.

As the Warrki Jarrinjaku (2002) review points out, this practice of only using the family language is in accord with current language acquisition theory that argues it is more advantageous to master the complexities of a first language—the language spoken at home—before adding a second language (that is, English).

Children in these regions are brought into their language through intensive non-verbal interactions with their family and kin and the use of baby talk. It is of some interest to note that these practices appear to bring on certain language development milestones at an earlier rate than for non-Indigenous children.

Sign language and non-verbal communication are also important elements of the rich linguistic environment of western and central desert children and they are encouraged to understand and use a range of gestures and signs at any early age.

Learning and literacies

Fleer and Williams-Kennedy (2002) note that understanding non-verbal body language is one of the many literacies of young Indigenous children. They are also literate in understanding their natural environment and their complex social relationships, along with their own language and associated dialects. Before they get to school, these children have high-level symbolic knowledge—the essence of literacy. However, given their cultural and linguistic heritage the children from remote communities are less likely to have Western school literacy.

In their exploration of different Indigenous literacies, Fleer and Williams-Kennedy (2002) point to a number of different strategies and approaches to learning that show significant cultural differences. Some of the points that are important for later school experiences are:

Warrki Jarrinjaku (2002) also describe similar learning practices for the central and western desert region. In particular, they highlight the importance of hearing and listening. A person's ability to understand and think is intimately tied to their ability to listen.

Preschool—an important transition

The brief description above of early language and literacies acquisition in Indigenous cultures, notably in the central and western deserts, clearly demonstrates that there is a rich learning environment in early childhood.

However, if Indigenous children, especially those from more traditional lifestyles, are to make a successful transition to Western-style school, they need to be introduced to a 'schooling culture'—one that makes explicit the pre-learning on which the school system is based (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999). This is particularly important when you consider the contradictions between the learning styles and expectations of Indigenous children described above and those demanded by schools (National Aboriginal Education Committee 1989). It is also important when you consider that many of the parents may have low literacy skills themselves and cannot help the children at home.

Numerous studies of children experiencing disadvantage or disability have shown that quality preschool experiences can have measurable impact on the school readiness and educational outcomes in the first few years of schooling (Centre for Community Child Health 2000). Preschool experience can also have long term impacts, such as reduced likelihood of failure and increased chances of employment (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission 2000; Kronemann 1998).

Recent case studies of innovative preschool projects point specifically to the importance of the preschool experience for Indigenous children (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999; McRae et al. 2000) especially where it:

These features of a good preschool experience are in accord with the National Policy Guidelines for Early Childhood Education set out by the National Aboriginal Education Committee (1989). They are also in accord with other work by McClay and Willsher (cited in Trigwell 2000).

This preschool experience does not need to be an extended one. There are a number of different types of children's services available to Indigenous children. These include playgroups, preschools, multifunctional Aboriginal children's services and mobile services. Indigenous children who go through any of these services generally perform better when they get to school (Butler 1993).

However, as the Northern Territory's Department of Education review (1999) points out, not all Indigenous children are exposed to these early childhood services. This was also noted in reports on the needs of remote and isolated Indigenous children in New South Wales (Kutena 1995) and nationally (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission 2000).

It is difficult to estimate the numbers of Indigenous children who attend preschool because of lack of uniformity in data collection. However, some estimates have been made (SCRGSP 2003). In 2002, the national participation rate for Indigenous 3 year-olds was 18.3 per cent, for 4 year-olds it was 43.6 per cent and for 5 year-olds it was 10.1 per cent. The rates varied substantially across the states suggesting, amongst other things, differences in service funding and provision.

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The school years

Participation and performance: the data

Attendance and retention

Two of the more disturbing aspects of the statistical data on schooling and Indigenous children are the extent to which the children are absent from school and the low numbers who complete Year 12.

Attendance

The Northern Territory Department of Education review (1999) noted that attendance is a deep concern for Indigenous school staff in the Northern Territory, as well as for parents and community members. The data presented in that review support this general and deep concern. While Indigenous enrolments have been increasing in line with population growth over the past decade, attendance has been declining: from 76 per cent in 1983 to 68 per cent in 1998. Other data from around Australia show that, in general, Indigenous students are absent from school at a rate around twice that of non-Indigenous students (Schwab 1999).

However, these figures on attendance do not show the full extent of the problem. To understand what might be happening at the school level, the Northern Territory Department of Education (1999) used data from five east Arnhem schools when there were no large absences due to excursions or ceremonies. The data showed that only three out of the five schools had greater than 50 per cent attendance for three or more days and for two out of the five schools the majority of students did not attend at all. The import of this is that not only is average attendance low but regular attendance for at least 3 days a week is even lower.

Further data from the Northern Territory review is equally alarming. The Northern Territory provides an intensive oral English program to Indigenous students who speak English as a second language. In 1998, of the 757 students who were enrolled in that program 55 did not attend at all, almost 500 attended for half a year or less, 19 attended for between 161 and 200 days and only 4 attended for the full course.

This Northern Territory study would suggest that official attendance figures are likely to be an overestimate. Other reports confirm this. In a study of factors affecting attendance in secondary schools in New South Wales and the Northern Territory, the researchers were unable to obtain any accurate data about the attendance of Indigenous students at a schools-based or district level (Herbert et al. 1999). The MCEETYA Taskforce report (2000) also notes that consistent data on attendance cannot be provided.

Whatever the real attendance numbers may be, there is no doubt that, for those who do not attend, their schooling will suffer (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999). If the children do not go to school, and do not go consistently, then their performance will be poor and they are more likely to drop out altogether.

Staying on at school

The link between attendance and educational outcomes is reflected in school retention rate data—that is, the number of students who stay on at school. Overall, the retention rates for Indigenous children are lower than for non-Indigenous students and the difference increases after compulsory leaving age. In 2002, the retention rate for Year 9 was 97.8 per cent, for Year 10 it was just above 80 per cent, and for Year 12 it was just under 40 per cent. Nationally, non-Indigenous students were two times more likely to continue to Year 12 than Indigenous students (SCRGSP 2003).

While the Indigenous retention rate to Year 12 is low, it should be noted that it has increased substantially from the 12 per cent figure for 1989 (SEWRSBERC 2000) and that data from 1998 to 2002 show a slight increase in the Indigenous rate (SCRGSP 2003).

Schwab's (1999) detailed analysis of retention rates shows the following specific features:

Despite these poor retention rates, I think it is important to note that in 2002, almost 40 per cent of Indigenous students did continue on to Year 12. In the light of the significant hardships experienced by Indigenous youth, and Indigenous peoples in general, that could be seen as quite a remarkable achievement. I could not find any national data that shows how many successfully completed (as compared with attended) Year 12, although the SCRGSP report (2003) does provide data by regions. These data show, for example, the proportion of Indigenous students who achieved a Year 12 certificate was highest in New South Wales (71 per cent) and lowest in the Northern Territory (10 per cent)—where the numbers reflect the proportion who successfully completed Year 12 compared with those who started Year 11.

Literacy and numeracy

Literacy and numeracy achievement is regarded as a major factor contributing to continued education and to work outcomes (Penman 2004). Yet, from the early primary school years through to Year 9, Indigenous children perform well below non-Indigenous levels.

In Year 3, the percentages of Indigenous children who performed at national benchmark levels for reading, writing and numeracy were 72 per cent, 67.8 per cent and 80.2 per cent, respectively. The Year 5 data show that 66.9 per cent, 79.9 per cent and 63.2 per cent of Indigenous students met the national benchmarks for reading, writing and numeracy, respectively (SCRGSP 2003).

Data from the Longitudinal Studies of Australian Youth (LSAY) show that Indigenous students perform significantly lower than non-Indigenous students in standard tests of literacy and numeracy at 14 years of age (typically in Year 9) (Rothman 2002). The same studies also indicate that performance levels for Indigenous students in remote regions are substantially below that of Indigenous students in other areas (Jones 2002).

Not only are there grave concerns about the low levels of literacy and numeracy, but there is growing concern that it is getting worse (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999). Although the Senate report into education (SEWRSBERC 2000) states that national data does not support the concern, other data raise questions.

For example, in the LSAY report mentioned above, it was also found that the levels of literacy and numeracy for Indigenous students had decreased—albeit, not at a statistically significant rate—from 1995 to 1998 (Rothman 2002).

Availability and accessibility

The data showing that more Indigenous children attend less school, leave earlier and have lower levels of literacy and numeracy than their non-Indigenous counterparts needs to be tempered with the data on the availability and accessibility of schooling. As was noted in the early childhood section, not all Indigenous children have access to preschool. This is also the case for later levels of schooling.

While specific national data for Indigenous children and youth is not readily available, submissions to the inquiry into rural and remote education (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission 2000) gives some indication. In terms of primary schools:

The inquiry also makes the following points about secondary schools:

Schwab's (1999) analysis of secondary school participation rates supports the suggestion that Indigenous students are under-served in terms of educational facilities in rural areas.

When children are unable to access a school they are expected to use distance education or, in secondary years, to attend an urban school. However, as the report on rural and remote education noted, very few Indigenous children use distance education. This is easy to understand when you consider that such education requires the parents to have sufficient education to understand the curriculum themselves. The report also notes that where boarding is the only option for Indigenous children it is rarely successful (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission 2000). Again, this is understandable given the strong family bonds and the costs.

A note on judging outcomes

I think it is important to recognise that the documentation of poor attendance, poor retention, and lower levels of literacy and numeracy all reflect judgments made from a non-Indigenous perspective. So, to say that Indigenous children generally have poorer educational outcomes is to say that they are poorer by non-Indigenous standards.

Earlier I described what we know about early learning and language acquisition in Indigenous children and there was nothing to suggest that they are not prepared to learn—indeed, quite the contrary. Put simply, you could say that the problem arises from the transition from one culture to another. But put more forcefully, it reflects 'the ongoing struggle by Indigenous people to not only gain improved access to schools but also to participate in schooling which is culturally sensitive and offers equitable and appropriate outcomes' (Herbert et al. 1999, p. 2).

The point here is that, what is seen as poor attendance or poor educational outcomes from a non-Indigenous perspective could be seen from another perspective as a failure of the school system or as a rejection by the students themselves of that school system.

What contributes to poor outcomes?

Cultural mismatches

Mobility

Significant population mobility exposes children to a number of educational risks. Poor attendance is clearly a major risk, but the Northern Territory Department of Education report (1999) points to others:

It is important to note that the Northern Territory Department of Education (1999) does not see mobility as inevitably leading to poor attendance and outcomes. Indeed their review points out that the mobility of families is quite patterned and if the Department were to organise its administration to better align with the clustering of affiliated communities, it would be to the advantage of Indigenous students. So, rather than suggesting that it is mobility per se that is the problem, it would be more accurate to say it is the misalignment between Indigenous practices and non-Indigenous educational administration. This makes one of many points in support of the importance of community control of schools recommended by the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (Johnston 1991) and reinforced by the Senate inquiry into Indigenous education (SEWRSBERC 2000).

Not forcing kids

The Warrki Jarrinjaku review of child rearing in central Australia (2002) raises a potentially important question about whether going to school constitutes good behaviour within Indigenous culture. As they point out, it is clear that sharing food and possessions, looking after younger siblings and showing compassion for others are all desirable behaviours but it is less clear what else may be. They ask: do adults consider going to school every day a desirable behaviour and one that they should enforce? Similarly, is attendance at school seen as a choice by the child or are there judgments made and actions taken to pressure the child to go to school?

Anecdotal evidence (Warrki Jarrinjaku 2002; Northern Territory Department of Education 1999) would suggest that some parents and families are reluctant to force children to go to school. This is certainly in keeping with the general Indigenous approach to child rearing that gives children the freedom to choose what they want.

But I suspect there is more to it than this. We need to bear in mind that for many parents schooling was a bad experience, especially with regard to the institutionalised racism that was rife in earlier (and not so earlier) times (Herbert et al. 1999). So why should parents force their own children into a situation that they themselves found so negative?

Given this, perhaps the real question is: what could make the children themselves choose to go to school and to stay? Some possible answers to this are discussed later in this section.

Health and socioeconomic issues

The impoverished living and socioeconomic conditions of Indigenous children documented earlier impact on their educational outcomes in many ways. By way of illustration, Hill (2002) points out that there is a marked relationship between family poverty and low levels of achievement in school literacy and, notably, this occurs across Indigenous and non-Indigenous families. Research also shows that children with nutritional, hearing and other health problems are more likely to experience slow literacy development (Schwab 1999). These problems are prevalent in Indigenous children.

Nutrition and related health factors

I've already noted that Indigenous children are more likely to suffer from low birth weight and from malnutrition and failure-to-thrive during early childhood. This not only affects general physical growth but also children's intellectual developments and hearing abilities well before they arrive at school (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999; MCEETYA 2001).

The poor starts experienced by many Indigenous children continue into school. However, it should be noted that there may be remote-urban differences in certain health characteristics. For example, Mackerras et al. (2003) have shown that remote children are shorter and lighter than their urban counterparts and have a higher incidence of visible infections.

The Northern Territory Department of Education review (1999) mentioned frequent reference to poor health as a key hindrance to learning outcomes. Many children suffer from hunger that causes listlessness, inattention and concentration lapses and that acts as a contributing factor to absenteeism (SEWRSBERC 2000). In recognition of this, many schools offer nutrition programs.

Hearing difficulties

Indigenous children are reported as having ear or hearing problems at twice the rate of non-Indigenous children, primarily due to the high rates of middle ear infection (otitis media) (ABS 2003). And, while the SCRGSP (2003) report concludes that the true burden of hearing loss is unclear, there is evidence from the Senate inquiry into Indigenous education that the prevalence of otitis media is much higher than suggested in the ABS data. For example, the report (SCRGSP 2003) cited one study showing over 20 per cent of all northern Australian Aboriginal children are affected by otitis media.

Otitis media has direct and compounded effects on learning (SCRGSP 2003; SEWRSBERC 2000; MCEETYA 2001; Brady 1991; Australian Office of Hearing Services 2002). The most obvious direct effect is that the children simply cannot hear what is being said in the classroom or, at least, cannot fully hear. This then has a compounding effect on the existing difficulties associated with schooling, particularly in remote areas where attendance is a constant struggle (why bother going when you cannot hear). In addition, young people who cannot hear can be subjected to social ostracism because they are different. The resultant lack of confidence and low self-esteem can be further devastating.

Given the prevalence of otitis media and the consequences of subsequent hearing impairment it is clearly an important factor contributing to poor educational outcomes. It is also one often unrecognised or followed up and supported.

On the other hand, the incidence of otitis media (and general skin infections) can be drastically reduced with simple interventions. One study in Western Australian found that the introduction of swimming pools in two remote communities led to a substantial reduction in otitis media (from 32 per cent to 13 per cent and 18 per cent) and in skin infections (from 62 per cent to 18 per cent and from 70 per cent to 20 per cent) (Lehmann et al. 2003).

Substance abuse and family disruption

Excessive alcohol consumption within families has two major impacts on the children. First, it often diverts limited money away from essentials such as food, clothing and education. Second, it creates family disruption that, at the least, means children do not get enough sleep and, at the worst, means they are subject to the violence that often goes with excessive drinking (MCEETYA 2001; Northern Territory Department of Education 1999). Anecdotal evidence suggests that where communities restrict or ban alcohol there is a positive impact on school attendance and child nutrition (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999).

There is additional concern in many communities about the substance abuse by children themselves, usually involving solvents (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999). Those involved are often very young, can themselves disrupt family life by either falling into a trance-like state or becoming violent, and can suffer long term brain damage (MCEETYA 2001). This clearly impacts on school attendance and education outcomes.

Racism

Schwab's (1999) analysis of Indigenous school retention shows that when factors such as school achievement and socioeconomic background are controlled for, Indigenous students still leave school at a rate that far exceeds other students. He suggests that this difference can be explained by factors associated with the historical and cultural experience of being Indigenous in Australia. One such prominent factor is the experience of racism.

Throughout the literature on the education of Indigenous children there is repeated reference to racist experiences—both blatant and endemic in the institutions (for example, Aboriginal Education Foundation of South Australia 1992; Purdie et al. 2000; Herbert et al. 1999; SEWRSBERC 2000). Blatant racism is experienced in everyday interactions with non-Indigenous teachers and students. Institutionalised racism is expressed in various ways but hinges on the failure to recognise, let alone to respect, the Aboriginality of the students and the cultural differences that entails. The issue of respect for mobility that was raised earlier is just one such example of institutionalised racism.

The end consequence of this experience of racism at school is that students leave school early (SEWRSBERC 2000). Some research has suggested that this comes about because of the diminished sense of self-worth or esteem (Purdie et al. 2000). Others have suggested that removing themselves from the school system—either by absenteeism or leaving early—is a legitimate response to the students' experience of racism (Herbert et al. 1999). Either way, racism can drive them away. However, it should be noted that Herbert et al. (1999) concluded that racism was more significant in New South Wales than it was in the Northern Territory.

Better outcomes

Culturally relevant and appropriate education

A review of the literature on Indigenous attrition in higher education concluded that the first step in improving attrition rates would be to create an education environment in which students want to remain (Bourke, Burden & Moore, cited in Australian Council of Educational Research 1998). This is the same suggestion I made earlier about student absenteeism: what could make them want to go to school and stay?

Studies have shown (Australian Council of Educational Research 1998) that a key influencing factor is an education that is relevant to Indigenous students—that is, one that addresses and respects issues of Indigenous identity and culture. The arguments for relevance are twofold. First, if it is relevant, students are more likely to attend school and, by implication, to learn. Second, if it is relevant, it will be showing recognition of the value of Indigenous peoples and their cultures, and thus enhancing such things as self-identity and self-esteem.

These arguments regarding relevance and other associated curriculum issues were discussed at length in the Senate Indigenous education review (SEWRSBERC 2000), with no clear-cut conclusion on effectiveness. The problem here is that there are two separate issues. First, there is what I would call a moral issue: is it right that Indigenous students are taught in ways that respect their culture? For me, the answer is unequivocally yes and thus doing so is justified on moral grounds. Then there is the second issue: what is the practical or empirical import of doing so? In other words, what evidence do we have of the practical consequences and of the factors that make it work?

Below, I identify two specific culturally relevant curriculum issues that appear to lead to better outcomes. Further factors affecting better outcomes are then discussed in the following two sections. However, there is an overriding caveat to this discussion: there is no one solution. I have already presented sufficient argument, and some evidence, to show there are differences between Indigenous groups. When it comes to education in particular, we need to take account of the sociodemographic characteristics associated with remoteness (for example, urban or remote), Indigenous representation (for example, few or fully) in the schools, and types of communities (see for example, Herbert et al 1999).

Language matters

Almost all children in remote schools and some regional/urban students do not speak English as their first language. They will speak their home country language and/or Aboriginal English—the latter now recognised as a language in its own right (SEWRSBERC 2000). Recognising that these students are English as a second language (ESL) speakers and teaching appropriately is critical to their educational outcomes, especially when these outcomes are measured, as it were, in English-speaking terms.

Bilingual teaching is the most obvious way to deal with ESL students. Evidence up to 1988 collected by the Northern Territory Department of Education review (1999) clearly shows positive literacy and numeracy outcomes for bilingual schools when compared with non-bilingual schools. However, the situation now is less clear. External assessment of bilingual programs stopped in 1988 and the Northern Territory Government has dropped its bilingual policy.

The Northern Territory Department of Education review (1999) suggests that the concept of 'two-way learning' is more appropriate to the current circumstances in the Northern Territory. The Senate Indigenous education review (SEWRSBERC 2000) also argues that two-way learning is the more important concept for all Indigenous students whether they are ESL students or not. With such learning, attention is paid to education in and about both the Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultures.

However, there is no substantive empirical evidence that 'two-way learning' will inevitably result in better educational outcomes. Indeed, the Northern Territory Department of Education review (1999) argues strongly that a 'one size fits all approach' is doomed to fail. Any two-way learning program must fit the individual situation and the requirements of the different communities. When it does, as case study evidence presented by the Northern Territory Department of Education (1999) and the Senate review (SEWRSBERC 2000) shows, it can work well.

Teachers and teaching practices

As a general principle, two-way learning is commendable, but it must be matched with good teachers and good teaching practices to bring about desirable outcomes (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999). When it comes to teaching Indigenous students, there are two particular factors that are important.

First, there is the culture of the teachers. While I could find no direct empirical evidence showing that Indigenous teachers are better for Indigenous students, there was some evidence that Indigenous education workers were important in the lower levels of secondary schooling (SEWRSBERC 2000). There are good arguments why this should be so for education workers, and for teachers. In particular, Indigenous teachers have the advantage of understanding the culture, and often its language(s), and can act as role models for their students. The problem is there is an underrepresentation of Indigenous teachers and education workers (SEWRSBERC 2000).

Second, certain teaching practices are more appropriate than others, especially those that understand and build on the cultural practices Indigenous children bring into the classroom. From the earlier sections on early childhood and child rearing practices, I noted that Indigenous children have culturally specific skills that have a direct bearing on their preparedness to learn. For example, they are not raised to respond to authoritarian behaviour, they are expected to keep each other safe and work together, and they learn by moving around and looking and doing things together. Malin's (1998) astute chapter on what makes a good teacher of Indigenous students shows how such culturally specific skills can be recognised and incorporated into good teaching practices. She also shows how critical this is to encouraging academic pursuits, as did the study by Hill (2002) on literacy development. As Herbert et al.'s (1999) study also points out, good teachers have always known that much of their success is directly attributable to the way they interact with their students.

Family and community involvement

Good educational outcomes require an environment of nurture and support and this is perhaps more so for Indigenous students than others given, amongst other things, the cultural emphasis on communal life. The innovative projects mentioned in the early childhood section showed the importance of involving the families and the whole community in good outcomes. This is also the case for primary and secondary school. And, it is especially the case for the transition point from compulsory to post-compulsory schooling where the support from home (as well as school) is critical (Australian Council of Educational Research 1998).

For parents to support their children they need to understand the school requirements (Herbert et al. 1999). Parents also need to be actively involved with their children's schooling both at school and at home—this is a known characteristic of student success (Northern Territory Department of Education 1999).

However, there is also much evidence that Indigenous parents often feel intensely uncomfortable with teachers and unsure how best to interact, if at all, with schools (Schwab 1999; Northern Territory Department of Education 1999). Various strategies have been described (for example, Herbert et al. 1999) for getting parental involvement, in particular, using Indigenous education workers and home liaison officers. The key point is that if parents do understand and feel involved with the school they will provide better support for their children.

One significant way of increasing parental involvement and the whole community is to create schools as community education centres—centres for everyone, not just the kids. Schwab and Sutherland (2001) reviewed five examples of programs that have been premised on the belief that education begins with the family, and so parents need to be full partners in their children's education. These programs offered extended learning opportunities and incorporated wider programs of social development and personal growth for individuals and the whole community. There is sufficiently strong evidence that they work to retain students, develop good individual skills, involve parents and develop a strong sense of community.

Other case study evidence cited in the Senate report on Indigenous education (SEWRSBERC 2000) supports the importance of community involvement in, and management of, schools for improving educational outcomes.

Positive self-identity

Having a clear sense of self and valuing it positively is pivotal to successful achievement in many regards. For example, a study by Day (1991, cited in Australian Council of Educational Research 1998) showed a clear link between identity and outcomes. Indigenous students who stayed on at school had strong Indigenous and personal identities as well as Western school cultural knowledge and a determination and desire to succeed at school.

However, Purdie et al. (2000), suggests that a strong sense of Indigenous identity by itself is not enough. While many of the Indigenous students involved in their study had a positive sense of themselves as Indigenous this was not necessarily linked with good educational outcomes. Positive self-identity as a student was far more likely to relate to good educational outcomes.

Purdie et al. (2000) identify a number of factors that contribute to a positive self-identity as a student. These factors include:

All of these have been mentioned earlier when describing the factors contributing to better educational outcomes. The significance of this is the substantial part that a good school with good teachers and a relevant curriculum can play in developing a positive identity as a student with its consequent good educational outcomes. The quality of school life does count.

I think there is one final point that needs drawing out here and that is the relationship between nonattendance and quality of schooling. In many of the discussions about nonattendance there is the implication that the kids play 'truant'—nobody makes them go to school and they just entertain themselves doing things more interesting to them. However, Schwab (1999) makes an important point citing figures from South Australia that the issue of nonattendance may be one of alienation from education rather than one of truancy. Perhaps the answer to the question raised earlier—what could make them want to go to school?—is to provide a good school experience: one that does not alienate them and that develops a positive self-identity as a student.

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Pathways outside of school

From school to further education and work

Other forms of education and training

Higher education

The picture of the pathways of young Indigenous students after they complete Year 12 is fragmented. From the 2001 census data, we know that 12.5 per cent (compared with 33.5 per cent for non-Indigenous) of the Indigenous population aged 15 years and over had a post secondary level 3 certificate (for example, degree, diploma).

We also know that Indigenous students have a lower success rate in higher education than non-Indigenous students (SCRGSP 2003). This lower success rate reflects the number of difficulties experienced by Indigenous students, especially in trying to balance family and community responsibilities with study demands (Grant 1996, cited in Australian Council of Educational Research 1998).

Vocational education and training

The picture of the pathways for those more than 60 per cent who left school before Year 12 is also fragmented. However, it would seem that some at least are turning to other forms of vocational education and training (VET). The Senate inquiry into Indigenous education (SEWRSBERC 2000) cites the following data:

Other data discussed by the Senate inquiry (SEWRSBERC 2000), although not age-specific, shows that many of the enrolments are at the preparatory level rather than semiprofessional or professional. This would suggest that Indigenous youth and adults are turning to TAFE rather than high school to complete their education and evidence confirms that Indigenous students had a better perception of TAFE than of schools (NSW TAFE 1995, cited in Australian Council of Educational Research 1998).

However, how successful the turn to TAFE rather than school may be is not clear. The one indication that success may be limited is the finding that Indigenous VET students (age unspecified) have higher withdrawal and failure rates than other VET students (SEWRSBERC 2000; SCRGSP 2003). Other studies suggest that these high withdrawal and failure rates could be improved if courses offered were more culturally appropriate (Australian Council of Educational Research 1998).

Into the labour market

The labour force participation for Indigenous people generally is lower than that for non-Indigenous people. It is also lower for Indigenous youth. In 2001, 42 per cent of Indigenous males and 36 per cent of Indigenous females were employed, compared with 50 per cent and 53 per cent of non-Indigenous males and females aged between 15 and 19 years (ABS 2003). This employment figure includes those in Community Development and Employment Projects (CDEP) programs and so is, in one sense, inflated for Indigenous people.

ABS data from 2001 (SCRGSP 2003) also show that 30 per cent of the 15 to 19 year-old Indigenous population were at risk—they were unemployed or not in the labour force and not attending an educational institution. In addition, almost half of the 15 to 19 year-olds in the Northern Territory were in this at-risk group. These at-risk people are most likely to suffer long-term disadvantage.

It is worth noting that data (from LSAY) for all Australian youths identify only about 10 per cent in the at-risk group. Moreover, other data for all Australian youths confirm that leaving before Year 12 and having lower levels of literacy and numeracy are associated with high unemployment rates in the early post-school years at least. Living in a socioeconomically disadvantaged community also impacts on unemployment (Penman 2004). And, as we can see from the above figures, living in remote regions with little employment opportunities further exacerbates the picture.

Transitional programs and CDEP

Community Development and Employment Projects (CDEP) provide employment opportunities for Indigenous peoples, especially for those in remote regions. Participation in these projects, however, may only be on a part-time basis with no long-term tenure. Research in the Northern Territory, New South Wales and Western Australia shows that participants have mixed views about the CDEP scheme and young Torres Strait Islanders (15 to 24 years) are quite negative about it. They see the normal part-time CDEP work as relatively meaningless and boring (Arthur & David-Petero 2000).

There are other programs or strategies in place aimed at helping Indigenous youth make the transition from school into work, but a review of these programs suggests that more needs to be done on these programs to make them work better for Indigenous youth (Australian Council of Educational Research 1998). Those that do work contain the same factors that make high school and TAFE work—that is, are culturally appropriate and community supported.

At-risk and in trouble

Into the juvenile justice system

Indigenous people are overrepresented at all stages in the criminal justice system—arrest rates, bail refusals and sentencing. This is as true for juveniles as it is for adult males and females (Woodward 2003). For example, census data show that in 2000–01, 43 per cent of the 10 to 17 year-olds in detention centres were Indigenous. While the rate of detention had declined between 1994 and 2001, Indigenous youth were still 17 times more likely to be in a detention centre than non-Indigenous youth (Cahill & Marshall 2002).

Two general factors are likely contributors to this extraordinarily high detention rate. I talked about the profound psychosocial stress experienced in many Indigenous communities and the consequent breakdown in the care giving environment earlier and there is no doubt that this makes a significant contribution to juvenile criminal behaviour. Importantly, it should be noted that there is strong evidence that Indigenous children who have been maltreated have a significantly increased risk of offending before the age of 18 years (Harris 2003).

However, there is also the issue of racism and its reflection in police treatment of juveniles. Since the Aboriginal Deaths in Custody report (Johnston 1991), the more blatant aspects of this have no doubt been tempered. Nevertheless, while racism exists in mainstream society, it will exist in the police force. General evidence indicates that if you are black you are still more likely to come to police attention and more likely to experience criminal justice interventions (Bargen 2001).

Following the Aboriginal Deaths in Custody report (Johnston 1991) and other recent reviews of the juvenile justice system (see Bargen 2001) greater emphasis has been placed on diverting Indigenous youth from courts and ultimately custody. While no national data are available, there are some state data (SCRGSP 2003). In New South Wales, 34 per cent of Indigenous juveniles (10 to 17 years) caught by police in 2002 were diverted out of the traditional system. In the majority of instances, the juvenile was charged but not sent to court. This rate is comparable with the total rate of all juveniles of 35 per cent. In Western Australia, 54 per cent of Indigenous juveniles were diverted compared with 80 per cent of non-Indigenous juveniles. In the Northern Territory, 43 per cent of the Indigenous juvenile cases (not persons) were diverted, compared with 56 per cent of the non-Indigenous cases. In all states, Indigenous females were more likely to be diverted than males.

What factors may be contributing to these different diversion rates is not clear. However, the fact that diversion is at the discretion of the police must be taken into account and that these police powers are not necessarily exercised fairly (Fitzgerald 2001; Bargen 2001).

Whether or not diversions are successful is not clear. However, there is some evidence from New South Wales that since the new Young Offenders Act became law in 1998, the number of new and finalised matters in children's courts has steadily decreased, as has the total number of young offenders held in custody; although, unfortunately, not the proportion of Indigenous young people in custody (Bargen 2001).

Alternatives for at-risk youth

While diversion and other measures to avoid the traditional non-Indigenous justice system are important, it is the efforts to keep young people away from criminal activities altogether that are more important. Providing alternatives in the form of sport and recreational activities and appropriate opportunities for education and training would seem most useful.

The literature revealed nothing about the value and role of Indigenous cultural activities for at-risk youth.

Sport and recreation

The Fitzgerald Inquiry (2001) notes that initiatives to enhance sport and recreation opportunities have a significant potential for preventing breaches of the law in Indigenous communities, especially by young people. There is currently little information on the participation of Indigenous youth in organised sport, arts or community group activities although the SCRGSP review (2003) cites a number of innovative programs available. The review also cites anecdotal evidence of the impact of one program: with the introduction of a football oval and basketball court to a rural New South Wales' community, petty crime and ambulance call out rate decreased noticeably. Another review (Beneforti & Cunningham 2002) also notes that there is anecdotal and qualitative evidence that sport and recreation can directly or indirectly influence a number of areas of social concern to Indigenous communities.

Getting them back to school

Not coping at school, leaving early, being bored, and having little to do is a sure recipe for youth being at risk. Provision of alternative recreational activities is a part solution, but getting early school leavers back to school is better. A program to do just that in Victoria is described by Lovett, Stringer and Parker (2001). It has all the elements required for engaging Indigenous youth but no evaluation data are available.

Inspiring outcomes

Given the history of devastation and the generally impoverished circumstances of Indigenous people, along with the lack of culturally appropriate services, it is understandable that many Indigenous youth have poor outcomes. However, there is enough in the literature reviewed to suggest that these poor outcomes are not necessarily inevitable and that much can be done to change things.

There is also enough in the literature reviewed to show that while poor outcomes occur far too often, especially compared with non-Indigenous youth, there is a noticeable number of Indigenous youth who 'make it'. For example, while the majority of Indigenous children do not complete Year 12, there are some that do. And, while there is a significant minority (30 per cent) of Indigenous youth between 15 and 19 years who are at risk—unemployed or out of the labour force, and not in further education—70 per cent are not.

Understandably, the major focus has been placed on the disproportionate numbers of children and youth who have poor outcomes. However, there is as much to learn, if not more, from those with good outcomes as from those with poor ones. The trouble is, I found little relating to the good stories. What circumstances and inner strength and resilience have led some Indigenous youth to 'make it'? What inspirational stories have they to tell?

A recent publication by two young Indigenous women offers a rare set of inspirational stories. In Fresh Footprints, Kate Munro and Michelle Tyhuis (2003) present the personal stories of 60 successful young Indigenous people—where they came from, what they have done and what has inspired them to achieve. In reading through these stories, I was struck by three important things.

First, the young people frequently mentioned the importance of role models and mentors to them. For example, those who had succeeded down the sporting pathway found Cathy Freeman a powerful role model. Second, the young people also frequently mentioned the importance of family and community support in helping them along their way. As a senior education officer said: 'the support of my parents and late grandfather taught me that family and community support networks are critical in succeeding in education and career aspirations' (Munro & Tyhuis 2003, p. 84). Third, their pathways to success were not always straightforwardly through school, into further education and/or work and their successes were not necessarily conventional. For example, there is the National Whip Cracking Champion, Russel Adcock, who has dedicated himself to his art despite being born with severe arthritis. And there is Kassey Blanco, who left school to become a hairdresser, and then a young entrepreneur and member of the National Youth Roundtable 2001.

We need to know more about young people like those described in Fresh Footprints. How did they do it? Where did they find the strength to excel? What were the key turning points for them? And we need to hear more about such young people because, in the words of Kate Munro (2003, p. 11):

[I]t's time people stand up, take notice and acknowledge the undeniable array of talent in Australia's Indigenous community.

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References

2. The broad picture: quality of the care giving environment